V-NYI # 8
FESTIVAL OF WORKSHOPS
FRI, JANUARY 19, 8:45 am (NY)
Global Solidarity Lecture Series
1:00-2:20 pm (NY)
January 9/10/11/12;15/16/17/18
(lecture descriptions) (click here to attend)
V-NYI Distinguished Linguist
Dissimilation:
Shrinker of Clauses
David Pesetsky, MIT
Tuesday, December 12, 2023
(11 am, NY; 5 pm CET; 6 pm Kyiv; 7 pm St.P)
Cognitive Science and the Arts
Discussion of
Repetition in the sister arts
with Samuel Jay Keyser, MIT
DISCUSSION: Thursday, December 14
(12 noon, NY; 6 pm CET; 7 pm Kyiv; 8 pm St.P)
V-NYI #8 "Distinguished Linguist" Lecture Series
Jan 8-17, Mon/Wed/Fri, 11:30 am* (NY)
(*Barbara Partee lecture Jan. 8, 1:00 pm start)
Constellations Journal Launch Event
Tuesday, November 21, 2023
(11 am, NY; 5 pm CET; 6 pm Kyiv; 7 pm St.P)
announcing: V-NYI #8!!
January 8-19, 2024
Global Solidarity Series
all talks at 1:30 pm
Distinguished Linguist Series
all talks at 1:30 pm
The NYI Universe presents:
Talking about Trees
"Super Local Movement: A Dialogue"
with John Fred Bailyn & Adam Szczegielniak
Tuesday, May 16, 1 pm (NY)
Welcome to the Spring 2023 NYI Universe!
Writing against Borders presents:
"Cinepoetries with Abdur and Alexandra"
Mon. May 1, 9:00 am (NY)
Welcome to the Spring 2023 NYI Universe:
Café Elsewhere:
“Free-for-All: Bring your own grief, joy, inspiration, and fury.”
Friday, April 28, 2023, 10:00 am (NY)
Welcome to the Spring 2023 NYI Universe:
The NYI Distinguished Linguist Lecture Series continues!
"Probe specific locality"
Amy Rose Deal
University of California, Berkeley
Mon. April 3, 2023, 1:30 pm (NY)
"Probe specific locality"
Amy Rose Deal, University of California, Berkeley
Abstract: Syntactic dependencies consistently show locality constraints, but these constraints have traditionally been taken to vary from one type of dependency to another (e.g. A' but not A movement can leave a finite clause) as well as from one language to another (e.g. out of finite clauses, some languages allow A movement, and some languages disallow A' movement). In this talk I will sketch a perspective on locality effects in syntax that attempts to find underlying unity in this domain while accounting for this diversity of behaviors. This is part of a larger project that seeks to make explicit a single operation of Agree that can account for all long-distance dependencies in syntax---the interaction/satisfaction theory. Special attention will be paid to the difference between "single" and "multiple" Agree, movement with mixed A/A' characteristics, and patterns of selective opacity beyond the A/A' distinction.